Meeting Notes: November 19, 2014

“The Battle for the Fourteenth Colony: America’s War of Liberation in Canada, 1774 – 1776,” Mark R. Anderson

During the American Revolution, several American armies crossed the border into Canada. Did the Canadians see them as liberators or as invaders, and did Canadians view the Americans as spreading democracy or anarchy between Anglo and French Canadians?

Mark R. Anderson discussed these issues at the November 19 meeting of the American Revolution Roundtable of Richmond. Anderson is the author of The Battle for the Fourteenth Colony: America’s War of Liberation in Canada, 1774-1776. His book is the co-winner of the Roundtable’s 2014 Book Award.

“When I started my research on this topic, I thought it would be cut and dry---a difference between Canada and the United States over culture and religion,” said Anderson. “However, as I did the research, I discovered a much more complex story than I first thought.”

Anderson said he found two major themes which hadn’t been addressed in previous writings on this topic. One was the American effort to spread democratic government to Canada and the other was the effort to offer Quebec an alternative to British rule.

Quebec became a part of British Canada in 1763 when France ceded the territory as part of the treaty to end the French and Indian War. Although most Quebec residents spoke French and practiced Catholicism, most of Quebec’s wealthy merchants and political leaders who ran the government spoke English and were Protestants.

For approximately 10 years many French Canadians complained about their treatment under this government, and in 1774 Quebec Governor Guy Carleton persuaded London to grant more rights. In what became known as the Quebec Act, Great Britain granted more political power to wealthy French Canadians and to the Roman Catholic Church. Naturally many Anglo Protestant Canadians disliked the Quebec Act because they lost some of their economic, political and religious power. 

“The Quebec Act created a hybrid government,” said Anderson. Up until then there was a real question as to whether Quebec would get its own legislature. In fact not even the French Canadian elite wanted a legislature where the French Canadian masses could dominate it. Instead the French elite wanted more representation within the existing government.”

Anderson also noted that the Quebec Act had an influence on Great Britain’s other North American colonies. For example when invitations were issued in 1774 to attend the First Continental Congress, Quebec received an invitation.

After Lexington and Concord triggered all-out war the Second Continental Congress gave Philip Schuyler permission to take his army across the border from New York into Canada, provided his army didn’t alienate the Canadians. Later in 1775 Richard Montgomery and Benedict Arnold also took their armies across the Canadian border with similar congressional instructions, and launched a two-pronged attack to capture Montreal and Quebec City.

“Initially the Canadian patriots worked with the Americans,” said Anderson. “However, the Continental Congress didn’t back the military campaign with enough money, supplies and support of political activity for Canadians to form their own government. As a result, the Americans came north as an invasion and didn’t build a good enough Canadian coalition.”

Anderson closed his remarks by calling the American war in Canada a “very complex story”. He said the Americans tried to “sell” the Canadians on the American Revolution serving as a way to end “Canadian oppression” under the British. In Anglo Protestant areas such as Montreal the people rallied to the American cause.

However thanks largely to the leadership of Quebec Governor Guy Carleton, Great Britain was very successful in neutralizing the vast population of French Canadians. As a result, Carleton was able to save Quebec City during the campaign against Montgomery and Arnold, and to re-supply Quebec City via the British Navy.

“Carleton was the key to bringing along the French Canadians,” said Anderson. “He kept working with them but he never relied on them.”

Carleton cemented his relationship with Canadians by the way he handled Canadian supporters of the Americans after the Americans were defeated at Quebec City and had retreated. Instead of killing people who supported the Americans and burning pro-American villages, Carleton simply dismissed the public officials who backed the Americans and issued no additional punishment.

During the question and answer period, Anderson was asked to name his “heroes and villains” among America’s early war efforts to win over Canada. The first “hero” whom Anderson cited and the one whom he described in greatest detail was Benedict Arnold.

“The whole attack on Quebec would have completely fallen apart after the death of Montgomery if not for Arnold,” said Anderson. “Even after getting wounded in a boot he initiates a second regiment to form a defense. During the campaign he also did a good job of showing Canadians that his troops weren’t invaders and that they respected the Catholic Church.”

As for “villains”, Anderson’s main culprit was the Second Continental Congress.

“They authorized an invasion they couldn’t support. They even adjourned their session shortly after authorizing the invasion,” laughed Anderson.

Anderson is a retired U.S. Air Force officer who currently serves as a civilian military consultant to the U.S. government. He earned his B.A. degree in history from Purdue University and his M.A. in military studies from American Military University. He currently lives in Colorado Springs, CO.

--Bill Seward

Meeting Notes: September 17, 2014

"The Road to Yorktown: Jefferson, Lafayette, and the British Invasion of Virginia," John Maass

A few months prior to the Yorktown campaign, the armies of Cornwallis and Lafayette played the military equivalent of “cat and mouse” across the landscape of Central Virginia.

“Many history books give only 2-3 pages to Lafayette’s Virginia campaign,” said historian John R. Maass at the September 17 meeting of the American Revolution Roundtable of Richmond. “This was Lafayette’s major independent command. From mid-April until mid-September his time in Virginia was his major show during the War.”

Maass is currently working on a book about Lafayette’s Virginia campaign prior to Yorktown, and will be leading an American Revolution Roundtable of Richmond bus tour on November 16 to many of the sites where Lafayette’s army marched and camped. 

“Almost all of Lafayette’s campaign sites in Virginia can still be found today if you know where to look,” said Maass. “Many of the sites are known and most of his campaign correspondence still exists today.”

In February 1781 Lafayette left Washington’s army with a detachment of 1,000-1,200 light infantry who were from New England and New Jersey. The troops headed to Virginia with the mission to attack British soldiers camped in Portsmouth under the command of turncoat General Benedict Arnold, and to hang Arnold if they captured him.

Lafayette’s troops arrived in Richmond between April 28-29. In fact Lafayette’s army arrived just in time to prevent British troops under the command of General William Phillips from crossing the James River at Manchester to loot and burn Richmond. Phillips’ troops retreated from Manchester back to Petersburg, where Phillips caught a fever and died on May 15.

On May 20 the British army under the command of Lord Charles Cornwallis reached the Petersburg area after its long march across the Carolinas and Southside Virginia. Cornwallis had approximately 5,000 troops, including 500-600 cavalry under the command of Colonel Banastre Tarleton. These forces were much larger than Lafayette’s 1,000-1,200 troops which included only 40-50 cavalry.

“Lafayette’s goal was not to fight a big battle with Cornwallis,”said Maass. “He wanted to shadow the British and wait for the arrival of reinforcements coming from the north under the command of Mad Anthony Wayne.”

At all times Lafayette wanted to keep a river between his army and the much larger British army. Lafayette also wanted to keep his army between the British and Hunter’s Iron Works, a major supplier of American swords and other war materials which was located in Falmouth, just across the Rappahannock River from Fredericksburg.

On May 24 the British marched out of Petersburg and crossed the James River near Westover Plantation in Charles City County, where they camped. After Cornwallis crossed the James River, Lafayette’s army packed up all of the supplies they could carry and marched northward out of Richmond via what is today Route 1.

Lafayette’s army crossed Upham Creek in today’s Lakeside neighborhood at what was then called Brook’s Bridge. From this bridge his army continued its march northward and crossed the Chickahominy River at what was called Winston’s Bridge, near what is today Green Top Sporting Goods. While Lafayette marched northward, the British marched northwest and then north from Westover Plantation, burning tobacco and other commodities which they couldn’t carry with them.

“Cornwallis was interested in burning stuff and wrecking stuff,” said Maass. “Tobacco was frequently used as a currency to pay American troops so burning tobacco was a means of burning American currency.”

The British marched through the Malvern Hill and White Oak Swamp areas and camped near Bottom’s Bridge on the Chickahominy River and what is today Route 60. From Bottom’s Bridge the British continued their march northward toward Old Church in northeastern Hanover County and then toward Newcastle, a town with 50-60 structures that was located on the Pamunkey River. At this time Newcastle was a large river port but nothing exists today other than an archaeological site.

After reaching the Pamunkey River the British marched northwest along the river, passing through Hanovertown and reaching Hanover Courthouse on May 30 where they rested in the Hanover Tavern area. Along the way they burned warehouses, captured French cannons and destroyed them.

From Hanover Courthouse the British continued their march northwestward to what was called Cook’s Ford, near what is today the Route 1 bridge across the North Anna River near Kings Dominion. During the Civil War, this area was part of the North Anna Campaign.

“This was Cornwallis’ farthest point north, other than some movement with his cavalry forces,” said Maass. “From here he was only 20 miles from Fredericksburg and those iron works that were located just across the Rappahannock River.”

Meanwhile, Lafayette’s troops left the Richmond area and marched northwest on the Mountain Road toward Dandridge’s Plantation, which was located on the South Anna River and modern-day Vontay Road in the Rockville area of Hanover County. The plantation house still exists today and is now called “Oldfield”. During the American Revolution, Dandridge’s Plantation served as a supply center for Lafayette’s troops and their horses. 

After resupplying his army Lafayette headed toward Beaverdam in northwestern Hanover County and then across the North Anna River at what was called Davenport’s Ford, and today is Route 738. Lafayette’s immediate goal was to move toward Fredericksburg and stay between the British and Hunter’s Iron Works. However he also wanted to avoid getting too close to Tarleton’s cavalry.

“Tarleton’s troopers were literally occupying Lafayette’s camps only 90-120 minutes after Lafayette’s small forces had retreated,” said Maass.

Lafayette’s army continued its northerly march and on May 31 they passed Mattaponi Church, a wooden structure near the Ta River. His army continued northward to the site of the old Spotsylvania Church , near what is now the new Spotsylvania courthouse complex. They camped in this area around June 2.

From Spotsylvania Courthouse his troops headed northward toward the Rappahannock River where they hoped to meet the American reinforcements under the command of Mad Anthony Wayne. Earlier these reinforcements had crossed the Potomac River near Leesburg and were marching southward to meet Lafayette in the Fredericksburg area.

Lafayette’s men crossed the Po River on Corbin’s Bridge (modern-day Route 612) near what is today Todd’s Tavern. They camped in this area for one day.

While Lafayette continued to move northward, Cornwallis made the decision near modern-day Kings Dominion to turn westward and launch raids against this part of Virginia which was only lightly defended by the Americans. His goal was to capture and destroy American supplies and crops in such areas as Scottsville, Columbia, Cuckoo Tavern, Shadwell and Charlottesville.

Leading the British attack was the two-pronged advance of Colonels John Simcoe and Banastre Tarleton. Simcoe’s forces marched on what was known as Three Chopt Road (modern-day Route 250), and then changed direction toward Columbia. The rest of Cornwallis’ infantry headed toward Elk Hill (just west of Columbia) and then toward Point of Fork at the confluence of the James and Rivanna Rivers.

Tarleton’s cavalry rode through Cuckoo Tavern on their way to Charlottesville with the goal of capturing Governor Thomas Jefferson and members of Virginia’s General Assembly, who had fled to this area from Richmond. Fortunately for Jefferson and most of the legislators, Captain Jack Jouett spotted Tarleton’s cavalry and rode approximately 40 miles from Cuckoo Tavern to Charlottesville via a shorter route than Tarleton’s route to warn the governor and legislators about the planned British cavalry raid.

While the British headed toward Columbia, Point of Fork and Charlottesville, Lafayette continued his trek northward through what is known as The Wilderness, the same terrain that would become even more famous during the Civil War. Lafayette’s army camped near Wilderness Run and what is today the intersection of Routes 3 and 20. From this campsite Lafayette’s army crossed the Rapidan River at nearby Ely’s Ford in search of Mad Anthony Wayne’s reinforcements.

After Lafayette received word of the British movement toward Charlottesville he sent orders to Wayne for him to change direction and head toward a rendezvous with Lafayette’s army in an area between Culpeper and Orange Courthouse. Lafayette’s army then headed west and south where his troops re-crossed the Rapidan River at Raccoon Ford, one of the best crossings on the Rapidan River because its riverbanks were low.

On June 10 the forces under Lafayette and Wayne met each other approximately four miles from Raccoon Ford at what was formerly known as Verdiersville and is now known as Rhoadesville. The exact site of the rendezvous is not known.

The combined forces then headed westward toward Orange Courthouse and then generally southward on what is modern-day Route 15 toward Zion Crossroads. They camped in this area near what was called Boswell’s Tavern. From there, they marched to a site called Boyd Tavern, which was east of Charlottesville on a creek. At this point Lafayette got word that Cornwallis had turned eastward and was headed back toward Richmond, which the British entered on June 16. They stayed in Richmond approximately three days before marching off toward Williamsburg, which they reached on June 25.

“It looks as if all Lafayette did was retreat but there was no way he could tangle with Cornwallis,” said Maass. “Lafayette was aware of this and how his troops had very limited supplies.”

Maass is a historian at the U.S. Army Center of Military History in Washington, D.C., and holds a PhD in early American history from The Ohio State University. He is also the author of the following three books:

1. The French and Indian War in North Carolina: The Spreading Flames of War

2. Horatio Gates and the Battle of Camden—“that unhappy affair,” August 16, 1780

3. Defending a New Nation, 1783-1811

--Bill Seward

Meeting Notes: July 16, 2014

“The Fort Gower Resolves," Jim Glanville

Even though most American history books say nothing about the Fort Gower Resolves, they were an important steppingstone toward Lexington/Concord, the Declaration of Independence and the American Revolution in general.

“The Fort Gower Resolves were a collective statement of defense against British authority made by Virginia militia officers,” said historian James Glanville at the July 16 meeting of the American Revolution Roundtable of Richmond. “In fact some historians say that the Fort Gower Resolves were actually the beginning of the American Revolution. They were published in newspapers throughout the American Colonies and in England, and were even read in the House of Lords.”

The Fort Gower Resolves were made November 5, 1774 on the banks of the Ohio River in what is today Hockinport, Ohio. The Resolves were the final act in what became known as Lord Dunmore’s War, and were also one of the final acts of rebellion by the American Colonies against Great Britain during the tumultuous year of 1774.

1774 started only a few weeks after the Boston Tea Party. After news reached England about the Tea Party, Parliament retaliated by passing several pieces of legislation that were collectively called the Coercive Acts (known in the American Colonies as the Intolerable Acts). One of these acts officially closed the Port of Boston in March 1774.

Boston responded in May by calling for a boycott on the purchase of all British goods. Later that month Virginia’s legislature voted to support Boston’s boycott, and worked with other colonies to plan a meeting in Philadelphia where each American colony (except Georgia) sent delegates to what became known as the First Continental Congress.

During the Summer of 1774 when the talk of boycott was prevalent, Virginia’s royal governor Lord Dunmore made the decision to launch a military campaign against several Indian tribes over a border dispute in what was then known as the Ohio Territory of Virginia. Most of Dunmore’s troops were riflemen from Virginia’s western counties.

Dunmore split his forces into two columns. He marched troops under his command northwestward to what is today Pittsburgh and then down the Ohio River, gathering more and more Virginia riflemen along the way.

A second column of Virginia riflemen to the south of Dunmore’s troops marched westward toward the Ohio River and also gathered riflemen. Under the command of Colonel Andrew Lewis this second column stopped its march at the mouth of the New River (now called the Kanawha River) where it empties into the Ohio River at what is today Point Pleasant, West Virginia.

On October 10, 1774 the Lewis riflemen “got jumped by the Indians,” according to Glanville. After several hours of intense fighting the riflemen won the battle but lost approximately 300 men, including the brother of Andrew Lewis. The Indians lost approximately 500 men and retreated across the Ohio River.

The forces under Dunmore and Lewis pursued the Indians across the Ohio River, and soon forced the Indians to sign a peace treaty which ceded more of their land to Virginia. Shortly thereafter, news reached the Virginia troops about the actions of the First Continental Congress and how the delegates had agreed to a total boycott of British goods throughout the American Colonies. The First Continental Congress had also agreed to express its grievances to King George III and to encourage each colony to create and train its own militia.

While camping at a fort located at the mouth of the Hocking River where it empties into the Ohio River, the Virginia officers on the Dunmore/Lewis expedition wished to express their support for the First Continental Congress but also their loyalty to the British Crown. They did so by drafting what history now knows as the Fort Gower Resolves. 

“The Resolves consisted of two parts plus a very tough preamble,” said Glanville. “Some of the language said these officers of a considerable body of men could live in the woods for weeks without bread or salt, and could march and shoot with the best armies in the world.”

The Fort Gower Resolves expressed support for King George III, “as long as he ruled over a free people”. However, they also expressed the officers’ love of liberty and their willingness to defend American rights; “not in any precipitate, riotous or tumultuous manner, but when regularly called forth by the unanimous voice of our countrymen.” Among the Virginia officers who signed the Resolves were Daniel Morgan, Andrew Lewis, Adam Stephen, William Campbell, Isaac Shelby and George Rogers Clark.

The Fort Gower Resolves were first published on December 22, 1774 in the Virginia Gazette. Two weeks later the Resolves were published again in the Pennsylvania Gazette.

“After that, the Resolves went viral,” said Glanville. “They even appeared in the March 1775 edition of the Gentleman’s Magazine, a publication targeted toward London’s upper-class readers.”

Glanville added that the Resolves and Lord Dunmore’s War probably influenced the revolutionary thoughts of Virginia’s civilian leaders. Some of these civilians were friends of various officers who signed the Resolves, while others simply admired the successful military campaign in the Ohio Territory. According to Glanville, the list of Virginia civilian leaders who were probably influenced by the Fort Gower Resolves and the successful military campaign of the Virginia militia included Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, George Mason and James Madison.

Today the Fort Gower Resolves have generally faded into oblivion. Even in Ohio where they were written, they are little known. In addition, there are no public markers that even identify the location of Fort Gower---just a sign on a private building which identifies the location of the fort. 

James Glanville is a professor emeritus in chemistry at Virginia Tech, and a graduate of the Royal College of Science in London. In recent years as an independent scholar he has studied the history and archeology of Southwest Virginia during the period of the American Revolution.

Glanville dedicated his roundtable presentation to Dr. Harry Ward, retired professor of history at the University of Richmond and founding member of the American Revolution Roundtable of Richmond.

--Bill Seward

Meeting Notes: May 21, 2014

"Light Horse Harry Lee," Ben Huggins

Long before Robert E. Lee became famous as an American military genius at such battles as Second Manassas, Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, his daddy set an early example at such battles as Paulus Hook, Springfield and New Garden.  

Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee served during the American Revolution as one of the most capable subordinates under George Washington and Nathanael Greene, and on May 21 at the American Revolution Roundtable of Richmond, historian Benjamin L. Huggins painted what he termed “a broad brush overview” of Henry Lee’s three greatest battles. Huggins is the co-author with Edward Lengel of an upcoming book entitled, Harvest of Glory: A Life of Light Horse Harry Lee. 

Huggins noted that Paulus Hook (modern-day Jersey City)  is probably Lee’s best known battle. Not only did Lee serve as the American commander on the Paulus Hook raid, he was also the one who presented the idea for a raid to George Washington. Lee thought the Paulus Hook garrison was vulnerable, and asked Washington for permission to assault the fort with 600 troops. Washington did not wish to commit that many troops to a raid but agreed to give Lee 400 men, 300 of whom would serve as assault troops. Lee’s mission was to attack the fort at night, kill and capture enemy troops and to bring back captured British supplies to Washington’s army. 

Lee spent five days gathering intelligence on the Paulus Hook fort. The British thought their fort was impregnable, especially at high tide when rising water filled a nearby canal which emptied into the Hudson River. 

On August 18, 1779 Lee assembled his troops at New Bridge for a 14-mile march to Paulus Hook. The march, which went through rough terrain such as marshes and woods, did not go well. His guides got lost along the way and by the time Lee’s troops arrived at the outskirts of Paulus Hook, they were three hours behind schedule and becoming fearful of the rising tide on the Paulus Hook canal, and with daylight looming in the not too distant future. In addition approximately 100 of his troops deserted him along the way, reducing his attack force from 300 to 200 men.  

Despite feeling outnumbered against the British garrison, Lee launched his attack at 3:30 a.m. on August 19, 1779. His troops successfully forded the canal and completely surprised the British, storming into the outer fort quickly because the British had left a gate down. The Americans promptly secured the fort, except for a small redoubt which was defended by approximately 40 British troops. With daylight approaching and the very real possibility of British reinforcements arriving from New York City, Lee elected not to assault the redoubt.  

Instead he retreated from the fort under the cover of darkness with approximately 150 prisoners and numerous captured supplies. His forces then retreated back to Washington’s army with the prisoners and supplies, which boosted morale in Washington’s army and the surrounding countryside.  

Approximately one year after his raid on Paulus Hook, Lee fought another one of his best battles not too far away in Springfield, NJ. At the time Washington’s army was starting to move away from Morristown when the British army under Sir Henry Clinton was camped on Staten Island. Washington, who was down to approximately 6,000 effective troops, sent Greene toward Elizabeth Town with an advance corps of approximately 1,000 troops. Lee was serving as one of Greene’s subordinate commanders.  

Heading toward Greene and Lee were approximately 5,000 soldiers under the command of Wilhelm, Baron von Knyphausen. On June 23, 1780 Greene elected to defend two key roads near the town of Springfield at bridges which crossed the Rahway River. Greene defended the bridge on Galloping Hill Road and assigned Lee the responsibility of defending the bridge on Vauxhall Road with 300-350 troops. Opposing Lee on the other side of the bridge were Loyalist troops three times the size of Lee’s forces under the command of John Simcoe. 

“If Lee ever had a nemesis in the North the way he had Banastre Tarleton in the South, that nemesis was Simcoe,” said Huggins. “Simcoe wanted to crush Lee’s command.”  

Simcoe’s goal was to destroy Lee’s forces who were defending on the Vauxhall Road and then to flank the remainder of Greene’s troops who were defending the bridge on the Galloping Hill Road.  

Lee’s forces fought hard. At first his men slowed Simcoe’s troops at the Vauxhall Road bridge, and then retreated in an orderly fashion to a second defensive line on higher ground. By holding Greene’s left flank, Lee’s men prevented a route of Greene’s forces and the very real possibility of allowing the British and Loyalists to march into Morristown and seize vast quantities of American supplies. As more New Jersey militia arrived to support Greene and Lee’s troops, Knyphausen called off the attack and retreated his army back to Staten Island a few days later.  

After the battle Lee’s nemesis Simcoe admitted to colleagues that Lee had held the bridge with “great obstinacy”. Lee also won the admiration of Greene who now regarded Lee as a subordinate on whom he could depend during critical battlefield moments. 

Greene and Lee teamed up once again in another important battle approximately nine months later at the Battle of New Garden, just outside Greensboro, NC. Lee and William Washington were in charge of protecting Greene’s flanks near Guilford Courthouse while Greene attempted to assemble his infantry into several lines of defense against the oncoming army of Lord Charles Cornwallis. 

Some of Lee’s scouts learned that British wagons and supplies were moving away from them toward Salisbury, NC while Cornwallis’ main army pursued Greene’s troops. Leaving behind his infantry, Lee advanced with his cavalry but ran into the enemy cavalry under the command of Banastre Tarleton. 

“Lee and Tarleton hated each other but they also admired each other,” said Huggins. 

The two sides drew pistols and swords near a meetinghouse on New Garden Road. Lee’s cavalry drove back Tarleton’s cavalry but then Lee made a mistake. In his effort to cut off Tarleton’s retreating troops, Lee sent troops down a different road where they accidentally ran into British infantry. The infantry, plus Tarleton’s cavalry, counterattacked and drove back Lee who made an orderly retreat to where his infantry could support him. This defense forced the British to end their pursuit of Lee.  

The morning battle at New Garden on March 15, 1781 gave Greene several valuable hours to strengthen his defensive lines before Cornwallis launched his main attack at Guilford Courthouse later that day. In fact Lee also helped to boost the fighting spirit among Greene’s main forces when he returned to Greene’s front lines and showed soldiers his bloody sword. Lee reportedly said words to the effect, “I’ve been fighting all morning and now it is time for you men to do your duty as well.” 

Huggins concluded his presentation by giving his opinion as to which of the three battles was Lee’s greatest. 

“Paulus Hook was the one where Lee inflicted the most casualties on his opponent,” said Huggins. “It was also the one where the Second Continental Congress voted to award him a gold medal. However, I believe Springfield was Lee’s greatest battle because he saved Greene’s left flank and what could have become a route. If this had taken place, the British probably would have captured Morristown and all of its American supplies, and the whole northern army could have collapsed. It’s a shame that so little is known about this battle.” 

Huggins is an assistant professor at the University of Virginia and assistant editor at the Papers of George Washington project in Charlottesville. In addition to his upcoming book on Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee with Edward Lengel, Huggins has also written a chapter in A Companion to George Washington (Edward Lengel, editor) on Washington as commander-in-chief during the first years of the French alliance.

--Bill Seward

Meeting Notes: March 19, 2014

"Embattled Farmers: The Lincoln Militia at Lexington, Concord, and Beyond," Rick Wiggin

“Ordinary men who left us an extraordinary legacy”.

That is how historian and author Richard C. Wiggin summarized the 252 men from Lincoln, Massachusetts who fought in support of the American Revolution, beginning with their April 19, 1775 battle at Concord’s North Bridge and proceeding throughout the war in military campaigns as far away as the Carolinas.

Wiggin is the author of Embattled Farmers: Campaigns and Profiles of Revolutionary Soldiers from Lincoln, Massachusetts, 1775-1783. On March 19 he spoke to the American Revolution Roundtable of Richmond about Lincoln’s soldiers and the New England soldier in general.

Why was New England so important to the outcome of the American Revolution? Wiggin cited two major reasons. The first was simply the fact that many battles were fought in New England, especially during the crucial early months of the war. Secondly, two New England states, Massachusetts and Connecticut, ranked #1 and #3 respectively in furnishing the most continental and militia troops throughout the war. Virginia was #2.

Wiggin said New England soldiers were somewhat different from other American soldiers as a result of their Puritan heritage and the common belief of individual responsibility to the community. Town meetings were very popular throughout most of New England, and part of this community-based democracy included citizen participation in town militias to protect the community.

“This was Norman Rockwell democracy at the grassroots level,” said Wiggin. “This culture is essential to understanding the Massachusetts militia and the community response to the American Revolution.”

In addition to its culture of community service, New England was also somewhat unique in the way it intimidated loyalist-leaning citizens, especially loyalist-leaning militia officers. When the British army evacuated the Boston area, many New England loyalists rightfully feared for their safety and moved with the British army to Halifax, Nova Scotia or to more loyalist-friendly American cities such as New York.

“No myth is more widespread than the one about one-third of Americans supporting the American Revolution, one-third of them remaining loyal to the British Crown and one-third of people staying neutral,” said Wiggin.

In Lincoln 75-80% of all men age 16 and older served as soldiers in support of the Revolution. Only four Lincoln men remained loyal to the British Crown, and none of them returned to Lincoln after the war.

Massachusetts militia units were organized by county. The only campaigns where the Massachusetts militia fought as intact entities were Lexington/Concord and the Siege of Boston. Otherwise the state’s militia served as a feeder system, furnishing companies to serve in an amalgamated militia unit on a specific assignment, or providing soldiers who served long-term enlistments in the Continental Army.

The composition of Massachusetts militia units was actually far different from the stereotype frequently painted in history books of “poor farmers with poor education”. In reality Massachusetts soldiers came from all segments of society, ranging from slaves and poor free-people to wealthy businessmen who were highly educated. Artisans, shopkeepers and yeoman farmers were also common participants in militias.

Wiggin concluded his program by briefly describing several Lincoln men who had somewhat unique experiences during the American Revolution---men whom he called, “both rogues and heroes who were living, breathing human beings.”

At the age of 53 David Meade received a draft notice in late 1776 and decided not to report for service. In January 1777 he was fined 12 pounds “for not Marching when ordered according to an Act of the Court.” After Mead obtained a substitute to serve in his place the town refunded the 12-pound fine that he had paid.

John Wheat experienced the heartaches of a divided family. Although he and most of his family supported the American Revolution, two of his daughters and their husbands were staunch loyalists. After the British army evacuated Boston the two daughters and their husbands also left Boston for Halifax, Nova Scotia. Shortly thereafter Wheat updated his will, and all but excluded his two loyalist daughters for supporting the British Crown. The family never reconciled after the war.

John Whitehead, a veteran of the Boston Tea Party and Concord’s North Bridge, fought an even tougher battle---with his wife. In 1777 while serving as a Continental Army lieutenant, Whitehead arranged for his 17 and 12-year-old sons to join him in the service. Shortly thereafter he also placed a legal notice in a Boston newspaper, telling the public not to trust his wife and disavowing any debts accumulated by her. Sadly, both of his sons died later that year while in the service with him.

Aaron and Joseph Parker were the nephews of Captain John Parker of the Lexington militia. In 1781 they wanted to join the army but both were below the official minimum age of 16, so they lied about their ages. Aaron was 15 years old while Joseph was only 13 and a height of 4’10”. They both “passed” for age 16.

Benjamin Cleaveland enjoyed enlisting in the army. In fact he enjoyed it so much that he enlisted twice within eight days, once in Lincoln and also in another town, and collected two enlistment bounties. Around this time Cleaveland also had a problem with fathering a child out of wedlock, however he continued to serve in the army until the end of the war. The mother of his child, who later became his wife, received a military widow’s pension after his death in 1803.

“What is fascinating is getting the human qualities that bring these stories to life,” said Wiggin. “The army of the American Revolution was one of the most unusual ever to win a war.”

Wiggin is a former captain of the Lincoln Minute Men, a re-enactment group that participated in the inaugural parades for Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. As a volunteer at Minute Man National Historical Park, Wiggin has written seven audio tours for different segments of the park and for Boston’s Freedom Trail. He has also written historical articles for the Boston Globe and various magazines. Wiggin and his wife Agnes are residents of Lincoln.   

--Bill Seward    

Meeting Notes: January 15, 2014

The Marquis de Lafayette in person (Charles Wessinger)

For the first time in nearly 200 years the Marquis de Lafayette returned to the City of Richmond, and reminisced before an audience about his early life in France and some of his military campaigns during the American Revolution.

 Historical interpreter Charles Wessinger, dressed in a Continental Army major general uniform and speaking throughout the program in a French accent, portrayed the Marquis de Lafayette at the January 15, 2014 meeting of the American Revolution Roundtable of Richmond. Wessinger has worked on stage, film and commercials in portrayals of characters from the American Revolution, the War of 1812, the Civil War and World War II. He began his Lafayette program with a brief review of Lafayette’s ancestry.

 Lafayette was born in the south central part of France on September 6, 1757. He came from a long line of military ancestors, in fact one of the longest lines in France. When Lafayette was only two years old, his father was killed at the Battle of Minden while serving as a colonel in the French grenadiers. “My father was blown out of his boots by a British cannonball,” said Lafayette/Wessinger.

 Lafayette’s mother died when he was age 12, leaving him a huge estate which included eight mansions, several French businesses and a very large amount of money. At the age of 14 he became a page to the king and queen of France, and joined the royal musketeers.

 “Perhaps you have heard of the Three Musketeers, “ asked Lafayette/Wessinger to his roundtable audience. “I belonged to the king’s black musketeers, which got its name from the black horses which the regiment rode. There was also a gray musketeers regiment which rode gray horses.”

 By the age of 16 Lafayette had risen to the rank of lieutenant and married his wife who was only 14 years old. During his military service in the mid 1770s Lafayette became familiar with many of the disputes between Great Britain and her American colonies. He sympathized with the Americans, and at a Paris dinner he met Silas Deane and Benjamin Franklin---two of the Americans serving as commissioners in France on behalf of the Continental Congress. They encouraged him to support the American Revolution, and Deane promised Lafayette a commission with the rank of major general if he would join the American army.

 Lafayette accepted Deane’s offer and made arrangements to sail to America at his own expense. He bought a ship which he re-named La Victoire and hired his own crew to sail him and a few friends across the Atlantic Ocean.

 “We landed at Georgetown, South Carolina,” said Lafayette/Wessinger. “The Americans shot at my ship because they thought we were British but finally we were able to take a small boat to shore, walk a few miles and then convince the Americans that we were French and trying to help them.”

 When Lafayette told his new American friends that he needed to report to the Continental Congress, the South Carolinians told him that he needed to go to Philadelphia. “I said where is this Philadelphia, let’s go. I had no idea that it would take over 30 days to get there,” laughed Lafayette/Wessinger.

 Upon his arrival in Philadelphia, Lafayette and his travelling companions received a less than hospitable reception from members of the Continental Congress. Unknown to Lafayette was the fact that Silas Deane had promised many other Frenchmen the rank of major general in the American army if they sailed to America. Most of these Frenchmen were bakers, blacksmiths and other artisans who had little or no military experience.

 "At first when I tried to claim my commission as a major general, they laughed at me and told me I was but a child,” said Lafayette/Wessinger. “Finally I was able to show them a letter written by Benjamin Franklin which introduced me, and mentioned some of my experience in military college and the musketeers, as well as my family background.”

 Congressional leaders apologized to Lafayette for the less than hospitable greeting but told him the government didn’t have any money to pay him a major general’s salary. After Lafayette volunteered to pay his own way Congress told him they couldn’t use him because they didn’t have any regiments for him to command, however they welcomed him to serve on General George Washington’s staff. Although Lafayette strongly wanted a field commission, he accepted the position as a staff officer to Washington. At the age of only 19, Lafayette was the youngest general in the American army.

 “It was 1777,” said Lafayette/Wessinger. “As I went around the American camp with General Washington, I saw the best of his army and the worst of his army. I spent my own money toward buying uniforms and ammunition for the army but I must say it was extremely difficult since most of my money was in France, and my relatives wouldn’t send it.”

 Lafayette’s relatives were angry with him for the abrupt and clandestine manner in which he left France and sailed to America. Prior to departing he had been afraid to tell any relatives, including his wife, about his travel plans for fear that they would try to stop him. In addition to his family, King Louis XVI and other French government officials were opposed to his trip.

 The Battle of Brandywine Creek was Lafayette’s first combat in America. During the early stages of the battle he served behind the front lines as a staff officer but when the British turned the American right flank, Washington agreed to send Lafayette into the fight. Lafayette helped to rally the outflanked and outnumbered American troops into an orderly retreat.

 At some point during the battle Lafayette was wounded in the left leg. He first noticed the wound when blood started coming out of his left boot but he ignored the wound until he had finished rallying his retreating troops. When Washington learned that Lafayette had been wounded and was in the field hospital, he sent his personal surgeon to Lafayette’s aid with the instructions to “treat him as if you were treating my adopted son.”

 Lafayette recovered from his leg wound and later rejoined Washington’s army during the early stages of the 1777-78 winter at Valley Forge. When America’s newly created Board of War offered Lafayette the opportunity to transfer to Albany in order to prepare a new army for an invasion of Canada, Lafayette accepted. He didn’t know that the real purpose for the Board of War’s offer was to separate him from Washington. In what became known as the Conway Cabal, several American generals and congressmen tried to replace Washington as the overall American commander with General Horatio Gates, and used the Board of War (headed by Gates) to move Lafayette away from Washington because Lafayette was one of Washington’s most loyal and influential subordinates.

 Shortly after arriving in Albany, Lafayette saw where his assigned troops were too few in number and in no condition to make a winter invasion of Canada since they had no winter clothing. He also learned the truth behind the Conway Cabal and immediately supported Washington in correspondence to Congress. The plot to overthrow Washington failed, and Lafayette returned to Washington’s army at Valley Forge when the Canada invasion was canceled.

 The alliance between America and France was officially announced to the world in March 1778, which in effect served as France’s declaration of war on Great Britain. In February 1779 Lafayette was granted a furlough in order to return to France and encourage the French government to send a large army and more ships to fight in America. Lafayette advised King Louis XVI to allow French generals and admirals to serve under Washington’s overall command. General Rochambeau, the French general who would command the French troops going to America, agreed with Lafayette on the need for Washington to serve as overall commander. However, the French navy was not placed under Washington’s authority.

 “Generals and admirals don’t work well together, said Lafayette/Wessinger. “Admirals don’t like talking to generals so it was agreed that only French generals and not French admirals would serve under General Washington. Our admirals were encouraged to listen to American suggestions and to work with the Americans when they could, but weren’t required to do so.”

 When Lafayette returned to America in April 1780 he brought a ship full of supplies and ammunition, as well as the good news to Washington about France’s plans to send an army and more ships to America in a few months. Shortly after Rochambeau arrived at Newport, RI in July, Washington sent Lafayette to Rochambeau’s headquarters to discuss strategy. “I didn’t get along very well with General Rochambeau,” said Lafayette/Wessinger. “He wasn’t use to someone being a major general who was so much younger than he was.” Rochambeau was 55 years old, more than twice Lafayette’s age.

 In September 1780 Lafayette was with Washington on the trip to West Point when Benedict Arnold, the American commander at West Point, turned traitor. After Arnold resurfaced in January 1781 as a British general leading a British raid on Richmond, Washington sent Lafayette south that spring with 1,200 troops to stop Arnold and to “bring him to the gallows”, if Lafayette captured Arnold.

 The British sent their own army to support Arnold under the command of William Phillips. Although the British outnumbered his army over two to one, Lafayette managed to contain the British forces and to keep Phillips and Arnold out of Richmond in May 1781. Later that month Phillips died from typhus and Charles Cornwallis arrived in the area with part of his army that had fought in the Carolinas.

 Cornwallis received orders to take all of the British troops in Central Virginia to the east coast and establish a supply base where his army could receive provisions and combat support from the British navy. As Cornwallis’ army marched eastward, Lafayette’s much smaller army shadowed him. At times Lafayette’s troops would take advantage of skirmishing with the British. “We learned from the Indians how to fire and move, fire and move,” said Lafayette/Wessinger.

 After Cornwallis selected Yorktown as his supply base Lafayette’s troops camped outside Yorktown, and waited for Washington and Rochambeau to bring their much larger armies to entrap Cornwallis. On September 5, 1781 the French navy defeated the British navy at the mouth of the Chesapeake Bay, which basically shut off Cornwallis’ supply lines to the outside world. On September 28 Washington and Rochambeau arrived with their armies, and the Siege of Yorktown was underway. The combined American/French armies outnumbered the British more than two to one.

 Under the realigned American army Lafayette was given command of one of Washington’s three divisions. On October 14 a regiment in Lafayette’s division, which was led by Alexander Hamilton, charged into Redoubt #10 after dark and captured the key British position with a minimal loss of life. In a separate attack a French regiment captured the adjacent Redoubt #9. With the loss of the two key redoubts the British came under point blank bombardment, and surrendered five days later.

 Just a few weeks after Cornwallis’ surrender at Yorktown, Lafayette set sail for France where upon his return he was treated as a national hero. Wessinger concluded his presentation with Lafayette’s return and then took questions from the audience on a variety of topics, ranging from the American Revolution to the French Revolution, plus Lafayette’s 1824-25 tour of 24 American states.

 In addition to portraying Lafayette, Wessinger’s other portrayals include James Madison, Francis Scott Key and the British spy John Andre.

 

--Bill Seward